This is not Comic-Con: why social issues matter to skepticism

At TAM 9 a few weeks ago the panel on diversity ended up discussing diversity of issues as much as diversity of members. Specifically, Greta Christina and Jamila Bey argued strongly for an expansion of the issues skepticism takes on: skepticism should not be limited, they said, to the traditional “science and supernatural claims” categories. D.J. Grothe, however, disagreed. While he felt that there was a natural affiliation between skepticism and some social movements – the gay rights movement, for example – he expressed concern that to pursue social issues under the umbrella of the skeptical movement might lead to mission drift, especially since questions about social issues can be particularly divisive, as they are not so clear-cut as claims about the natural world.

As a student of history, it can be easily guessed where I fall in this debate. A few weeks ago I wrote a post on how the study of history feeds atheism, and it seems clear to me that skepticism, in turn, feeds the study of history. The same is true for all social sciences – while I acknowledge a clear difference between the hard sciences and the ‘soft’ ones, all social science ultimately hopes to obtain an understanding of society that reflects reality. While what reality actually is can often be much more difficult to discern in social science than hard science, it is far from impossible.

However, those who are uneasy with this idea of expanding the issues the skeptical movement takes on do have legitimate concerns. First, it is simply harder to find out what is true and what is bunk when we are debating social phenomena. This is largely because any characteristic being studied – let’s say drug use – can operate very differently in different societies, depending on an endless list of other factors such as economic development, cultural traditions, taboos, religious history, and so on. Social science is, in short, messy, very messy. To make matters more complicated, tests cannot be run on particular hypotheses in the same way they can in the hard sciences – you can’t create two identical societies, introduce high quality heroin into one and not the other, and then let them stew for 50 years to see what happens. There are no controls in social science. Of course, there are a slew of techniques the various fields have developed to deal with this, and the books that introduce graduate students of the social sciences with exactly these strategies number in the hundreds. But I think it is fair to say that when forming beliefs about how societies function, we can never be as sure as we can in the hard sciences that we have identified cause and effect correctly.

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The broader impact of atheism

Greta Christina, who we interview in our upcoming podcast, has a great post up called “A Crisis of Faithlessness.” Basically, she talks about occasionally wondering whether the atheist movement is the cause she should be investing most of her energy in, considering how much else is profoundly messed up about the world.

But, she argues, the impact of atheism is not strictly limited to questions of religious beliefs - it has wider societal implications, with tentacles in many directions.

Without religion, homophobia would be a lot less rampant. Without religion, sexism would be a lot less rampant. Without religion, the U.S. wouldn’t be freaking out over government funding of birth control.

I concur entirely - and I relate to the occasional bout of wondering, could my energy be better allocated? But, as I explain in the comments over at her blog, it seems to me that atheism is in fact deeply connected to everything I most care about.

Take economic inequality, for instance - particularly the growing gap between the rich and the poor in the United States. At first glance, this is not a religious issue. But look deeper, and irrational belief rears its ugly head - even when people are not particularly (or at all; think Ayn Rand disciples) religious. Indeed, part of this country (Calvinist New England) was originally founded on the whole idea that the rich were rich because they were on a list; as for everyone else, well, they were suspect.

Today, I see so often how this assumption persists despite Calvinism being long dead and largely replaced by a fuzzy, all-loving God. People still assume - consciously or not - that there is a certain amount of justice in “free market capitalism,” and the virtuous and hard-working really can and should rise above everyone else who, apparently, qualify as unvirtuous/immoral. But from an atheist perspective, there is nothing out there keeping score; God/the invisible hand does not necessarily reward good or virtuous people with riches. That depends on us, entirely. And I think once you rid yourself of this knee-jerk assumption that there is some sort of large score keeper in the sky, you start to really see how fucked up things are and think, holy hell, there is no good reason for any of this to be like this.

Again, religion is not entirely responsible for this, far from it. But I think it is a sizable chunk of what is going on. And if I can encourage people to start to take responsibility for the society they see around themselves, I think that goes a long way, beyond simply not believing in God.

“Unaffiliated” Americans on the rise

A column by Charles M. Blow explores the increasing number of Americans who identify as “unaffiliated” with any religion. As Mr. Blow points out, only one fourth of this group identifies as agnostic or atheist, but nonetheless I think this is an encouraging trend. As more people decide that the dogma and doctrine of individual churches do not reflect their values, the sub-percentage of people who are then going to take the next step in skepticism and doubt the God construct itself will rise.

But if the “unaffiliated” add up to 16.1 percent of the population, where is our political power? Part of the problem is of course, that American identity - and therefore American political discourse — is still tethered to religiosity. But as Mr. Blow also points out, another problem is what, exactly, could we all unite under to advocate for?:

Second, and perhaps more important, the unaffiliated are simply not unified. They have few advocacy groups or high-profile faces. They don’t congregate, organize or petition like members of organized religions. Politicians don’t feel the need to court them, let alone identify as one of them.

However, Mr. Blow argues,

Whether they are organized, cohesive or disgruntled, the unaffiliated are the fastest-growing religious category in America. Nonaffiliation is not un-American. Increasingly, it is America. Eventually, our politics will have to catch up.

I hope so.

Christian health care — your body is only worth healing if your soul is already saved

I’ve recently learned about the existence of Medi-Share, a health care program which works by pooling the resources of Christians so that they all collectively share the health care costs of their membership.

This simultaneously represents both the best and the worst aspects of religion. On the one hand, it is an example of the good that can come from Christians actually responding to the messages of love and social justice that actually exist in the Bible. Medi-Share bases its philosophy particularly on Galatians 6:2, which reads:

Carry each other’s burdens, and in this way you will fulfill the law of Christ.

But here’s the catch. You of course have to be a Christian. Medi-Share explains more fully on its site, on the Eligibility page:

Medi-Share is based on the biblical principles of caring for and sharing in one another’s burdens (as outlined in Galatians 6:2). And as such, adhering to biblical principles of health and lifestyle are important requirements for participation in Medi-Share.

Each adult must: Have a verifiable Christian testimony indicating a personal relationship with the Lord Jesus Christ, and profess the Statement of Faith

And the site explains elsewhere the particular theological doctrines you must adhere to. Furthermore, because the Bible says that “bodies are temples of the Holy Spirit and therefore are to be kept pure,” this means no extramarital sex, no booze, and no smoking.

The mental gymnastics required to maintain these two opposing ideas is, of course, typical of the cognitive dissonance that goes along with religious belief. On the one hand, we have the laudable idea of being your brother’s keeper, and believing that human beings should take care of and love one another. On the other hand, we have the caveat that this should only apply when said human beings adhere to certain tribal characteristics, in this case the worship of a particular God and abstinence from several behaviors. Nonbelievers are excluded why? Because to provide someone with health care who has sex before marriage is to encourage their descent into hell? Because to help a non-Christian out would be the equivalent of giving away trade secrets? I imagine any number of convoluted theological justifications could be produced. But there is no escaping the implication — those people are not to be helped because they do not deserve to be helped. They are some other, lesser version of human being, and since their souls are not in shape, their bodies are not worth saving.

What really saddens me about this is that the argument that all human beings are responsible for the well-being of their fellow human beings is sound - but to make exceptions to this rule is absolutely not. What we need is Medi-Share on a national scale, for all Americans. But considering the correlations in this country between being Christian and being politically conservative, the chances are quite good that a high percentage of Medi-Share users are opposed to the health care reform passed last spring, and would be even more opposed to something like a public option or a single-payer system. Now that is a particularly terrifying type of funny.

8: The Mormon Proposition – Review.

8: The Mormon Proposition opens with a personal story. We see a young couple getting married in San Francisco right after Proposition 22, California’s earlier ban on gay marriage, was overturned by the California Supreme Court. As the bust of Harvey Milk approvingly looks on behind them, the two young men cry tears of joy. This happy scene, however, turns increasingly dark. We learn that both of the groomsmen were formerly members of the LDS Church, and that while one of them is blessed enough to have a mother who supports and accepts him, the other had to hear his parents tell him that they would take no joy in his happiness. From the personal the film turns to the political, as it clearly documents the involvement of the LDS Church in both Hawaii’s ban on gay marriage and California’s Proposition 8, which went as far as to alter the constitution of California in order to allow for the unequal treatment of gays and lesbians. The problem with the involvement of the Mormon Church, the film clearly argues, it not simply that it helped organize inter-faith coalitions that then threw millions of dollars at the effort to get Prop 8 passed. It is after all their Constitutional right to do so (although the movie does argue that any tax-exempt organization so heavily involved in politics does not deserve the exemption). The real problem is the secrecy that surrounded the involvement of the LDS Church, and the blatant lies they told in their efforts to frighten Californians into voting for Prop 8. As their own internal documents show, the LDS Church intentionally tried to obscure their central role in passing Prop 8 by placing other individuals and organizations not immediately associated with the LDS Church at the front of their campaign. And even in the propaganda which the LDS Church openly funded, scare tactics that argued that the failure to pass Prop 8 would result in the loss of religious freedom and the indoctrination of children were willingly employed by those, many of those interviewed in the film insist, that knew better.

The second claim – that the LDS Church knew they were spreading lies with their propaganda – is difficult to prove absolutely, but also difficult to dismiss. As the film discusses, the LDS Church is a highly organized, well connected organization with rich resources in legal and financial assistance; this is not, in other words, a small time operation of uneducated and paranoid citizens. Moreover, the film makes the correct decision by focusing more on what can be broadly understood as unethical behavior and less on the central question at the heart of Prop 8 - whether or not there is any significant difference between homosexual and heterosexual relationships. At first this might seem like an odd choice, but the makers of the film seem to understand that convinced Prop 8 voters are not their audience and, if there are fence-sitters in the theater, it is better to appeal to values they most likely already hold rather than to argue that they need to take on something fundamentally new. Similarly, the film does not attempt a very thorough investigation of the viewpoints of the thousands of Mormons who contributed money and time to the fight to pass Prop 8. A short but helpful segment explains why the Mormon view of the afterlife is threatened and contradicted by homosexual relationships, and we see footage of Mormons organizing workshops to pass Prop 8 and protesting on the streets of San Francisco, but the theological claims of the LDS Church are not subjected to extended analysis.

This approach works because 8: The Mormon Proposition is not a film about ideology or religion but about people – the actions people take, and the consequences of those actions to other human beings. Smartly, the film illustrates how the negative consequences of Mormon dogma also fall on Mormons themselves. One of the most effective segments features former and current Mormons discussing the importance of obedience in LDS culture and the requirement of all Church members to follow orders from their Prophet without question. When Mormons were told by their Prophet to support Prop 8, it was clearly implied that a failure to do so would result in social ostracization. As is well known, many Mormons live in a largely insular culture where social death awaits anyone who apostates. Some more devoted families even drained their children’s college funds in order to submit huge donations to the Prop 8 campaign. The willingness of parents to sacrifice their children’s future in the pursuit of religious dogma can only be described as a tragedy.

However, the most important – and most painful – portion of the film tells us the stories of the gay members of the LDS Church, particularly young people. At this point the film departs from the specific issue of Prop 8 itself to look at the lives destroyed, often literately, by the refusal of Mormons to recognize that homosexuality is neither a weakness nor a sin. Former Mormons who attempted suicide are interviewed, and stories of those who succeeded told. Indeed, Utah has one of highest suicide rates in the United States. However, we learn that even this fact may not weigh heavily on all LDS Church members, as we hear stories of awkward funerals where the victim’s homosexuality is only noted in sad laments about when he or she first began to fall victim to sin. And this position is nothing if not consistent – if homosexuality is a sin, and a victim of suicide is unable to overcome this sin, the act of suicide is merely another failure in an unrighteous life.

However, the weakness of the film is its tendency to look only at the most devoted of Mormon bigots and, conversely, caring and thoughtful dissenters who are either now outside of the Church or, it would appear, on their way out. Left out of this picture are the thousands of Mormons who will not leave the Church due to Prop 8, but do not participate in active bigotry on a personal basis. Also totally left out of the film are the thousands of people who voted Yes on 8 yet are not Mormon or actively religious. To a certain degree, the film cannot be faulted for excluding these groups – its topic is, after all, how Prop 8 was supported by devoted Mormon ignorance. However, there is also a sense that these middling sorts are not addressed because they are far more difficult to grapple with – while the openly bigoted can be easily understood, those who ought to know better and yet refuse to fully open their minds and hearts to questioning Church doctrine are inscrutable, and even more frustrating than those who are consistent in both their personal and political lives.*

Because at the heart of 8: The Mormon Proposition is the argument that the political is merely the personal writ large. As atheists, many of us spend much of our energy looking at the claims and arguments of religion, and applying reason and critical thinking to expose them as false and unfounded. However, what sometimes gets lost in this battle of logic, but what is arguably at least as important, is the human cost of religious dogma. It would be impossible to quantify the amount of human suffering and anguish caused by the position of the LDS Church on homosexuality, and no one would ever want to try to contemplate it all at once. That this suffering is justified by believers as being condoned by God shows the depth of the moral bankruptcy of Mormonism and indeed, all religions which aim to turn into a sin, that which inspires many of us to love.

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* Another often-criticized stylistic choice of the filmmakers was to make a video of the Prophet of the LDS Church appear grizzly and menacing, when apparently normal video quality was available. I would agree that any additional stylistic decisions to make something seem more “evil” is emotional overkill which furthermore, is really not necessary; the content of what the Prophet is saying is terrifying enough.


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